There is no strength in Jeremy Harrison.
No bravery or honour.
At roughly 5’2” (give or take), what Harrison does possess is one hell of an inferiority complex.
Little Man Syndrome.
This likely won’t be news to many of you. We’ve all seen Harrison’s undeserved hubris on display over the years, perhaps most overtly in his handling of the Global Transportation Hub debacle.
Harrison has shown zero respect for, in fact, has displayed an active interest in tearing down, democracy in Saskatchewan. More recently, Harrison made national headlines for once strolling into the Legislature, in camouflage, carrying a long gun.
Finally, Harrison has been outed as an insufferable workplace bully, terrorizing anyone and everyone around him.
There is more, much more, happening behind the scenes with Jeremy Harrison and we’re going to be talking about it in the next post, or even two, that I publish in the coming days.
First, however, some background on government criminality.
I’ve just started writing a new Substack titled The 90s: From Devine’s Debacle to the Dawn of the Sask Party.
As part of the process of researching that era in Saskatchewan history, I’ve read and learned a lot about Section 380 and Section 122 of the Criminal Code of Canada.
Section 380 is Fraud.
Specifically, 380(1)a) covers fraud over $5000.
The charge of Fraud is broad and ambiguous by design, simply because there’s just so many ways to commit it. It typically involves deliberately depriving someone (or the public) of what belongs to them, usually cash, through deceit or misrepresentation.
The difference between the charge of Fraud and Theft (334(a) is that the victim(s) handed their money to the fraudster willingly. For example, to an elected official to manage your tax dollars for your public services.
Section 122 is Breach of Public Trust:
Every official who, in connection with the duties of their office, commits fraud or a breach of trust, whether or not the fraud or breach of trust would be an offence if it were committed in relation to a private person, is guilty of
(a) an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than five years; or
(b) an offence punishable on summary conviction.
Breach of Public Trust is a full mens rea, or “Guilty Mind”, offence. This means it requires proof of a mental component; namely that the accused possessed the intention to commit the prohibited act, while having subjective knowledge of the circumstances.
Individuals who can be charged under Section 122 include anyone who holds office, whether elected or appointed by a government, to discharge a public duty. This does not include employees of Crown corporations or arm’s length government-business enterprises.
However members of boards of directors and executives, appointed by government to public organizations, are considered public officials under the Criminal Code.
465(1)(c), conspiracy to commit a crime, is also worth noting.
It took over a decade for the last dregs of criminality in Grant Devine’s caucus to come to light.
A decade, yet the RCMP or media still may not have uncovered all of what happened. I certainly don’t believe they did. The volume of transactions, number of people, bank accounts and paper related to the investigation, which involved fake communications companies, was staggering.
For example, it is a recorded fact that former AM radio talk show host and rumored premier-in-waiting John Gormley claimed to do communications work for Grant Devine. However, there is no record of the work, or any payment to him, or any company he may have owned, during that time period.
Gormley once told me he didn’t hate the Saskatchewan NDP for their politics - he hated them because they pushed RCMP to investigate him (which the RCMP didn’t).
He should have been investigated, absolutely.
So should have a lot of other people.
Yes, in the 1990s, at a time when there were at least twenty journalists working in the Legislative press gallery, it took ten years for the crimes of Devine’s government that did surface to come to light.
Today, we might have two or three journalists working in the Legislative press gallery.
It could take generations for the truth about what has really happened behind the scenes with the Sask Party government to be revealed.
In the next couple of posts I will break down the issue that I’m dangling here. So far, it’s a ton of work. Presumably that’s why the Saskatchewan NDP, who have known about it for a year, have sat on it and done nothing.
That is unbelievable, because what I’m going to tell you is an extension of the trouble plaguing Jeremy Harrison, which has significantly damaged the Sask Party.
Unfortunately, what I’m going to tell you about is also proving extremely expensive to untangle, requiring stacks of corporate documents from ISC. Each costs at least $10. If you’d like to further support my work, etransfers are gratefully accepted at tammyrobert0123@gmail.com.
Thank you all, so much, for your ongoing support and readership over the years.
Til next time (which I think is going to be a doozy).
